Present participles are non-finite verb forms which appear in the syntax of indicative present. A list of past participles and the interactions with other non-finite verb forms is available in the List of Participles in Persian.

a. Syntax

Verbal roots can be converted into present participles without structural modifications: /puʃ/ پوش, /tærs/ ترس, /xænd/ خند

However, certain differences can appear between verbal roots and present participles by means of the following Indo-European mutation processes (see 1•e.):

1. Apophony (Indo-European Ablaut) (see 1•e•a.):
   • Ablaut of the final vowel /u/ to the diphthong /æv/ after the consonant /n/:

     /ʃenu/ → /ʃenæv/ شنو

     /ɣonu/ → /ɣonæv/ غنو

     /bæxnu/ → /bæxnæv/ بخنو

   • Ablaut of the final vowel /u/ to /ɒ/ in all other cases, if the verbal root is polysyllabic:

     /ɒzmu/ → /ɒzmɒ/ آزما

     /goʃu/ → /goʃɒ/ گشا

     /færmu/ → /færmɒ/ فرما

2. Grammatical alteration according to Verner’s Law (see 1•e•b.):
   • Grammatical alteration of the final fricative /x/ to /nʤ/ after the vowel /æ/:

     /sæx/ → /sænʤ/ سنج

     /ælfæx/ → /ælfænʤ/ الفنج

   • Grammatical alteration of the final fricative consonant /x/ to /z/ after the long vowels /ɒ/, /i/ and /u/:

     /sɒx/ → /sɒz/ ساز

     /gorix/ → /goriz/ گریز

     /æfrux/ → /æfruz/ افروز

   • Grammatical alteration of the final fricative consonant /ʃ/ to /r/ after the vowel /ɒ/:

     /dɒʃ/ → /dɒr/ دار

     /gomɒʃ/ → /gomɒr/ گمار

     /kɒʃ/ → /kɒr/ کار

   • Grammatical alteration of the final fricative consonant /s/ to /n/ or /nd/ after the vowel /æ/:

     /ʃekæs/ → /ʃekæn/ شکن

     /ɒɣæs/ → /ɒɣæn/ آغن

     /bæs/ → /bænd/ بنـد

     /pæjvæs/ → /pæjvæn/, /pæjvænd/ پیون، پیونـد

   • Grammatical alteration of the final fricative /f/ to /b/ after the long vowels /ɒ/, /i/ and /u/:

     /jɒf/ → /jɒb/ یاب

     /ferif/ → /ferib/ فریب

     /ɒʃuf/ → /ɒʃub/ آشوب

   • Present participles are generated from verbal roots ending with the vowel /i/, /e/ or /æ/ by means of attaching the consonant /n/. This assumption suggests that these verbal roots ended originally with a weak fricative /^h/ before being replaced by the consonant /n/ by means of grammatical alteration:

     /ɒfæri^h/ → /ɒfærin/ آفرین

     /ʧi^h/ → /ʧin/ چین

     /ʧe^h/ → /ʧen/ چن

     /zæ^h/ → /zæn/ زن

3. Semi-syntaxd / irregular mutation:

   /ɒmæ/ → /ɒ/ آ

   /ɒvær/ → /ɒr/ آر

   /setæ/ → /estɒn/ ستان

   /ʃenɒx/ → /ʃenɒs/ شنـاس

a•a. Allomorphs of Present Participles

Present participles derived directly from verbal roots are morphemes. Allomorphs of them can be generated by means of the following phonotactical processes:

1. Free variation of the phoneme string /æv/ into the allophone [ow] in the modern, more western idioms (particularly in the standard language of Iran), if these two phonemes are placed within the same syllable (see 1•b•b.):

   /hærf-ʃe.næv/ ⇆ [hærf-ʃe.now] حرف‌شنو

   /hærf-ʃe.næv.tær/ ⇆ [hærf-ʃe.now.tær] حرف‌شنوتر

   Counter-examples: /hærf-ʃe.næ.vi/ حرف‌شنوی

   In this case, if the consonant /w/ is located at the end of a noun phrase or an adjectival phrase and becomes syllable onset by attaching a suffix, it is exchanged into the allophone [v]:

   /ræh-ræ.vɒn/ ⇆ [ræh-rov.ɒn] ره‌ر‌وان (from the nominalized adjectival phrase /ræh-ræv/ ⇆ [ræh-row] ره‌رو)

   Counter-examples: /dævɒn-dævɒn/ دوان‌دوان

2. Present participles ending with a vowel have also allomorphs extended by the consonant /j/:

   /soxæn-gu/ سخن‌گو ⇆ [soxæn-guj] سخن‌گوی

   /molk-ɒrɒ/ ملک‌آرا ⇆ [molk-ɒrɒj] ملک‌آرای

   /begu/ بگو ⇆ [beguj] بگوی

   /biɒrɒ/ بیارا ⇆ [biɒrɒj] بیارای

   If such a present participle is accompanied by a suffix beginning with another vowel than /i/, only this allomorph with the consonant /j/ is applied: /biɒrɒjæm/ بیارایم, /næmɒjɒn/ نمایان

3. Sandhis which appear when present participles becomes stems of prefixes /be-/, /mæ-/ or /næ-/:
   • Elision of the short vowel /æ/, /e/ or /o/ from the initial syllable of the present participle, if this syllable has the syntax cv:

     /benæmɒ/ ⇆ [benmɒ] بنما

     /mæʃekæn/ ⇆ [mæʃkæn] مشکن

     /næforuʃæm/ ⇆ [næfruʃæm] نفروشم

     ور نباشد گوهر و نبود /næbvæd/ غنی

     عادتِ شیرینِ خود افزون کنی

     Rumi (13^th Century AD)

     از جا نبرد چیزی آن را که تو جا دادی

     غم نسترد /næstoræd/ آن دل را که‌او را زِ غم استردی

     Rumi (13^th Century AD)

   • Additionally, metathesis of the vowel /o/ from the initial syllable /go/ after the prefix /be-/:

     /begozɒr/ ⇆ [begzɒr] ⇆ [bogzɒr] بگذار

     /begoʃɒ/ ⇆ [begʃɒ] ⇆ [bogʃɒ] بگشا

     /begosælæm/ ⇆ [begsælæm] ⇆ [bogsælæm] بگسلم

   • Elision of the initial phoneme string /go/ and /he/:

     /begosæl/ بگسل ⇆ [besæl] بسل

     هر کس فریباند مرا، که‌از عشق بسلاند مرا

     آن کس که فهماند مرا گوید که: «پیشِ من بیا!»

     Rumi (13^th Century AD)

     /begozɒr/ بگذار ⇆ [bezɒr] بذار (in colloquial speech)

     /behel/ بهل ⇆ [bel] بل

     بل تا کفِ پایِ تو ببوسم!

     انگار که مُهرِ لالکای‌م

     Sanai (11^th and 12^th Century AD)

     گفتم: «به ترکِ نانِ سپیدِ سیه‌دلان

     بل تا فنایِ جان بُوَدم در فنایِ نان!»

     Khaqani (12^th Century AD)

     /mæhel/ مهل ⇆ [mæl] مل

     مل که چشمِ بد بر آن عارض رسد!

     زود در ده بانـگِ تکبیر ای پسر!

     Sanai (11^th and 12^th Century AD)

4. Elision of the final phonemes of some present participles in the valentical derivation ↓ (see below).
5. The effect of combinative and free variation on present participles (when they becomes stems of dental suffixes) is detailed in Chapter 20•۱..

a•b. Valentical Derivation of Present Participles

In Persian, present participles do not have to be morphemes, and implicitly they are derived directly from verbal roots. They can be often affixal formations in this language, and this potential is used to modify the transitivity of the participle:

1. Intransitive present participles can generate new transitive present participles by means of the suffix /-ɒn/:
   

   By means of this modification, the subject of the intransitive verb changes into the direct object of the transitive verb:

   او به خانه بر گشت. ⇆ پدرم او را به خانه بر گرداند.

   The suffix /-ɒn/ can also be attached to intransitive past participles for this purpose:

   

2. The suffix /-ɒn/ can generate new causative present participles from transitive present participles:
   

   By means of this modification, the subject of the transitive verb is transformed into the benefactive object of the causative verb:

   او لباس‌ش را پوشید. ⇆ برادران‌ش لباس‌ش را به او پوشاندند.

3. The suffix /-æn/ can be used for derivation of new intransitive present participles from transitive present participles:
   

   By means of this modification, the direct object of the transitive verb is transformed into the subject of the intransitive verb:

   روزگار اندوه‌م را افزود. ⇆ اندوه‌م افزایند.

The following phonological aspects can be noted in the valentical derivation of present participles:

• The epenthesis /ɒj/ can be used between some monosyllabic present participles and the suffix /-ɒn/:
  
• The final phoneme(s) of some present participles can be elided after attaching the suffix /-ɒn/:
  

b. Application

• In the derivation of non-finite verb forms:
  1. Infinitives can be generated from present participles by attaching the dental suffix /-tæn/ (see 12•۱•a.).
  2. Past participles can be generated from present participles by attaching the dental suffix /-t/ (see 12•۱•a.).
  3. New transitive present participles can be generated from intransitive present participles by attaching the suffix /-ɒn/ (see above).
  4. New causative present participles can be generated from transitive present participles by attaching the suffix /-ɒn/ (see above).
  5. New intransitive present participles can be generated from transitive present participles by attaching the suffix /-æn/ (see above).
  6. Nominal participles can be generated from present participles by means of mutation (see 1•e.).
     
• As constituents of verb phrases:
  1. (General) indicative present (see 14•۱•c.)
  2. Indicative present progressive (with the present participle /dɒr/, see 14•۱•d.)
  3. Indicative future (with the present participle /xɒh/, see 14•۱•e.)
  4. (General) potential present (see 14•۳•a.)
  5. Potential present progressive (with the present participle /bɒʃ/, see 14•۳•b.)
  6. Potential pre-present (with the present participle /bɒʃ/, see 14•۳•c.)
  7. General subjunctive (see 14•۵•a.)
  8. Imperative (see 14•۶.)
  9. Optative (see 14•۷.)
• As nomina actionis:
  1. By nominalization:

     با دل‌آرامی مرا خاطر خوش‌ست

     که‌از دل‌م یک‌باره برد آرام /ɒrɒm/ را

     Hafez (14^th Century AD)

     Such nominalized present participles can generate copulative composition or coordination with other nominalized non-finite verb forms:

     • Copulative composition of an affirmative present participle (normally emphasized with the prefix /be-/) with itself: /bezæn-bezæn/ بزن‌بزن, /boxor-boxor/ بخوربخور, /bokoʃ-bokoʃ/ بکش‌بکش
     • Copulative composition of an affirmative present participle (normally emphasized with the prefix /be-/) with its negative form: /keʃ-mækeʃ/ کش‌مکش, /begu-mægu/ بگومگو
     • Copulative composition of an affirmative present participle (normally emphasized with the prefix /be-/) with another one: /beriz-bepɒʃ/ بریزبپاش, /begir-bebænd/ بگیرببند
     • Copulative composition of an affirmative present participle with another one by means of the interfix /-ɒ-/:

       تا روز به شادی بگذاریم! که فردا

       وقتِ رهِ غزو آید و هنگامِ تکاپوی /tæk-ɒ-puj/

       Farrukhi Sistani (10^th and 11^th Century AD)

     • Copulative coordination of two affirmative present participles (normally emphasized with the prefix /be-/) using the conjunction /o/: /beriz o bepɒʃ/ بریز و بپاش, /bebær o biɒr/ ببر و بیار
     • Copulative composition of an affirmative past participle with its affirmative present participle:

       به نازی روم را در جست‌جوی‌م /ʤost-ʤuj/

       به بویی با ختن در گفت‌گوی‌م /goft-gu/

       Nezami Gandjavi (12^th and 13^th Century AD)

  2. With the suffixes /-ɒ/ and /-ɒk/: /xorɒk/ خوراک, /puʃɒk/ پوشاک

     چرا ناید آهویِ سیمینِ من

     که بر چشم کردم‌ش جایِ چرا /ʧærɒ/؟

     Ghazaeri Razi (10^th and 11^th Century AD)

  3. With the suffix /-ɒl/: /rævɒl/ روال
  4. With the suffix /-æ/:

     ذوقِ خنده /xændæ/ دیده‌ای ای خیره چند

     ذوقِ گریه /gerjæ/ بین! که هست آن کانِ قند

     Rumi (13^th Century AD)

  5. With the suffix /-ænd/: /rævænd/ روند
  6. With the suffixes /-eʃ/, /-iʃ/, /-eʃt/ and /-eʃn/:

     خورش /xoreʃ/ را گوارش /govɒreʃ/ مِی افزون کند

     زِ تن ماندگی‌ها به بیرون کند

     Ferdowsi (10^th and 11^th Century AD)

  7. With the suffix /-mɒn/: /zɒjmɒn/ زایمان, /sɒzmɒn/ سازمان
  8. In archaic idioms, with the suffix /-i/:

     گر نباشد جاهِ فرعون و سری

     از کجا یابد جهنّم پروری /pærværi/؟!

     Rumi (13^th Century AD)

     نشـانِ آمرزی‌اش /ɒmorzi/ آن‌ست که دلِ تو رقّتی یابد.

     Baha’uddin Walad (12^th and 13^th Century AD)

• As nomina instrumenti:
  1. With the suffix /-æ/: /mɒlæ/ ماله, /rændæ/ رنده
  2. With the suffix /-æk/: /ɣæltæk/ غلتک
  3. With the suffix /-ɒmæ/: /dæmɒmæ/ دمامه
  4. With the suffix /-iʧæ/: /bɒziʧæ/ بازیچه
• Nomina loci can be generated by Determinative composition of the following sentence constituents with present participles:
  1. The subject: /ɒb-ræv/ آب‌رو, /dæst-ræs/ دست‌رس
  2. The appellative-indefinite direct object: /rɒh-ræv/ راه‌رو, /xɒk-riz/ خاک‌ریز
  3. The verb particle: /dær-ræv/ دررو
• As nomina patientis:
  1. Occasionally by adjectivization: /pæsænd/ پسند
  2. With the suffix /-æ/: /æfʃoræ/ افشره, /tærɒʃæ/ تراشه
  3. In Persian, it is notable that perfect participles can be replaced by present participles in the determinative composition:

     دخترپز /doxtær-pæz/، سگ‌خور /sæg-xor/، آب‌پز /ɒb-pæz/، زجرکش /zæʤr-koʃ/، دست‌چین /dæst-ʧin/، دست‌کش /dæst-kæʃ/

     همه را دید دست‌پرورِ /dæst-pærvær/ ناز

     دست از آیینِ جنگ داشته باز

     Nezami Gandjavi (12^th and 13^th Century AD)

     ای نظامی پناه‌پرورِ /pænɒh-pærvær/ تو!

     به درِ کس مران‌ش از درِ تو!

     Nezami Gandjavi (12^th and 13^th Century AD)

     It is a real exchange of participles, because these present participles generate no Persian nomen patientis without determinative composition.

• As simple nomina agentis:
  1. By nominalization. In this case, the polarity of the simple nomen agentis equates to that of the present participle:
     • Emphesized affirmative present participles (with the prefix /be-/): /besɒz/ بساز, /bexær/ بخر
     • Negative present participles (with the prefixes /næ-/ and /nɒ-/): /næpæz/ نپز, /næfæhm/ نفهم, /nɒtævɒn/ ناتوان, /nɒdɒn/ نادان
  2. With the suffixes /-ænd/, /-ændæ/ and /-ændu/: /tænænd/ تنند, /bærɒzændæ/ برازنده, /tæpændæ/ تپنده, /tænændu/ تنندو
  3. With the suffixes /-ɒ/ and /-ɒk/: /dɒnɒ/ دانا, /tævɒnɒ/ توانا, /kɒvɒk/ کاواک, /suzɒk/ سوزاک
  4. With the suffix /-ɒn/: /ʤuʃɒn/ جوشان, /oftɒn/ افتان
  5. With the suffix /-gɒr/: /ɒmuzgɒr/ آموزگار, /pærhizgɒr/ پرهیزگار
  6. In the Tajik idiom with the Suffix /-æm/ (see also the article of Firuza Amanova in مجلهء زبانشناسی, ۱۵^th and 16^th issue, page 8): /ʃɒjæm/ شایم, /dɒræm/ دارم
  7. In archaic idioms, with the proclitical adverb /meː-/:

     من غزلی می‌سرای /meː-særɒj/، سویِ گلی می‌نگر /meː-negær/

     او طربی می‌فزای /meː-fozɒj/، شاخِ گلی می‌شکن /meː-ʃekæn/

     Hassan Ghaznavi (12^th Century AD)

  8. Simple nomina agentis can be replaced by present participles in the determinative composition in Persian:

     درخور /dær-xor/، سوراخ‌کن /surɒx-kon/، آب‌پاش /ɒb-pɒʃ/، کارفرما /kɒr-færmɒ/

     در عهدِ پادشاهِ خطابخشِ /xætɒ-bæxʃ/ جرم‌پوش /ʤorm-puʃ/

     حافظ قرابه‌کش /ɣærɒbe-kæʃ/ شد و مفتی پیاله‌نوش /piɒle-nuʃ/

     Hafez (14^th Century AD)

     Such constellations are rarely used with other sentence constituents:

     • Locative adverbial: /sædr-neʃin/ صدرنشین
     • Modal adverbial: /hærze-gærd/ هرزه‌گرد
     • Even sentence constituents as adpositional phrases:

       ما در درونِ می‌کده صهبا به جام ریز /sæhbɒ be ʤɒm riz/

       شیخ از درونِ صومعه گردن‌درازکن

       Mohammad-Taqi Bahar (19^th and 20^th Century AD)

• As adjectives of pertinence, with the suffix /-ɒ/: /govɒrɒ/ گوارا, /xɒnɒ/ خوانا